“We only have one Ethiopia…
The issue of land in Ethiopia is very serious. Very serious. The source of wealth in this country is land. The source of wealth in this country is land. (Repeats.) It is land. (Land is the foundation) of Ethiopia, from the beginning (of time), since she was established. If we look at the revolutions of the past, the beginning and end of all things in Ethiopia is land. Everything else is secondary. The issue of land is not something to be taken lightly. It is an issue of identity. Land is the foundation of the economy. We all know how each individual Ethiopian is tied to the land. If we don’t deliberate the issue of land properly, if this country does not help us according to our abilities, if we don’t start doing the right thing now [with land], we could do whatever we want, but in the end [we’ll fail]…
Obbo Lemma Megerssa, Oromiya President, April 2017, addressing among other things, T-TPLF crony capitalism, corruption and abuse of power in Oromiya.
Author’s Note: This is a two-part commentary intended to elaborate and propose fresh ideas to advance the current peaceful democratic struggle in Ethiopia. In Part I here, I examine the political situation in Ethiopia as a problem of internal colonialism driven by the voracious and insatiable appetite of Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) for land– urban land, rural land, any kind of land. I examine the T-TPLF’s system of internal colonialism and its outcome of ethnic oppression, subordination and exploitation of majority groups in a comparative perspective with South Africa.
In the forthcoming Part II of this commentary, I propose my “philosophy of Ethiopiawinet (Ethiopian-ness”)” as a fail safe antidote to the T-TPLF’s internal colonial rule.
A couple of weeks ago, the T-TPLF regime made a public statement expressing “doubt” about my Ethiopiawinet (Ethiopian-ness.) I was quite amused to have my Ethiopian-ness doubted by a gang of cut-and-paste, wannabe-Ethiopians-because-Ethiopia-is-a-good-marketing-brand-to-panhandle-aid-money-and-get-billions-in-loans.
I provided a full response to the doubting T-TPLF bosses in my commentary, “I, PROUD ETHIOPIAN: My Reply to the T-TPLF Birthers Doubting My Ethiopiawinet (Ethiopian-ness).” I must say that a response to the scurrilous vulgarity of a gang of thieves and mercenary thugs is unimportant in the grand scheme of things. I could not care less what a bunch of ignorant bush thugs in designer suits think about me or my Ethiopaiwinet.
But I care deeply about Ethiopiawinet, beyond measure. By “doubting” my Ethiopiawinet, the T-TPLF effectively challenged me not only to rise up and defend Ethiopiawinet but also articulate what Ethiopiawinet means to me.
It is a challenge I accept wholeheartedly in Part II of this commentary. Nothing gives me greater pleasure than tutoring a gang of savages who know and understand brutality and atrocity in the ways of civilized Ethiopiawinet, or Ethiopian exceptionalism.
In Part II of this commentary, I shall argue that the only way the T-TPLF’s internal colonial rule could be defeated — the kryptonite, the ultimate weapon to deliver the self-proclaimed T-TPLF Übermenschen (“supermen”) into the trash bin of history — is through a living expression of Ethiopiawinet.
My message of Ethiopiawinet is particularly aimed at Ethiopia’s young people of all ethnic, regional, religious and linguistic stripes who have skin in the game, the ones who are keeping the struggle alive by sacrificing everything including their lives.
For the record: I want to go on record wholeheartedly endorsing the October 18, 2017 U.S. Embassy official statement “encourage[ing] all Ethiopians to continue to express their views peacefully, and encourage Ethiopian authorities to permit peaceful expression of views.”
Why am I doing this?
I have been asked of late why I am so intensely and relentlessly against the T-TPLF regime?
I have no personal animus against the T-TPLF or any of its leaders or members. I have often said that I could be their number 1 fan if they conformed their conduct to the rule of law, practiced good governance and respected the human rights of all Ethiopians. That pledge still stands.
I have no political ambition. I have said many times that I have nothing but contempt for those who crave power. Love of power without the power of love for those who are oppressed, without deep concern for the pain and suffering of the powerless, voiceless and defenseless is the height of hypocrisy. It would be the height of absurdity and irony for a man who stumbled into a career of speaking truth to power to aspire power.
I regard myself a public intellectual and human rights advocate. Nothing more. I do the best I can to draw upon universal values of human rights and advocate them on behalf of the Ethiopian people so that they could live like all free people in the world, unafraid to express themselves, unbowed by those who believe might is right and to be feared by their government instead of the other way around. I am aware of my blind spots and do not claim to have all the answers. In fact, I have no answers but I am overflowing with questions. To the T-TPLF and their cronies who consider my views “extremist”, I would remind them in the words of Barry Goldwater, “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice! Moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue!” Silence in the face of tyranny is complicity in atrocity.
So why I am doing what I am doing year after year, after year….?
For the same reason Nelson Mandela did what he did throughout his life without fail and fatigue. “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land [of Ethiopia] will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world. Let freedom reign! The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement! God bless [Ethiopia] Africa!”
I want the young people of Ethiopia, regardless of their ethnicity, religion, region, language or any other factor to understand that their struggle is not against each other — Oromo against Amhara, Amhara against Tigre, Anuak against Nuer, Somali against Oromo and Amhara, Southern Ethiopians against Northern Ethiopians, Western Ethiopians against Eastern Ethiopians, Ethiopian Christians against Ethiopian Muslims – but against a system of ethnic internal colonialism that expropriates their ancestral lands and exploits ethnic, linguistic, regional and religious differences to impose a system of domination on them in perpetuity. I want them to understand that there are vastly more things that bring us together than keep us apart(heid). I want them to believe their best days are yet to come, and the present black apartheid system is just a fleeting moment of tragedy in history.
What is done, undone and not done today determines what will be done, could be done or should be done tomorrow. I am guided by Einstein’s admonition that “The world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing.” The role of the intellectual and human rights advocate is to elaborate, to name and shame and to speak truth to power. It is said that “to whom much is given, much is expected.” I believe much is expected of me. It is my moral duty to use my knowledge and skills in the service of the Ethiopian people, particularly the young people. Specifically, it is my duty to do everything I can to divert Ethiopia from what I foresee to be strife and conflict and articulate a vision of a just society in which ethnic, religious, linguistic and regional issues are as important as the color of one’s eye. I believe the only creed that will guide us out of the wilderness of T-TPLF’s internal colonialism is Ethiopiawinet.
The T-TPLF’s internal colonialism in Ethiopia
The concept of internal colonialism has many formulations. Scholars have used the concept to examine a variety of issues including “uneven development” within a country, structural political and economic inequalities between regions within a nation-state and South African system of apartheid. I am using the concept herein to examine the pattern of dominance and exploitation by an ethnic minority regime and its crony capitalist ruling elites to dominate, subordinate and exploit majority populations by controlling the land.
For the past 26 years, the T-TPLF bosses have been the black minority apartheid masters of Ethiopia. They established their economic and political dominance first and foremost by creating and fully exploiting a system of internal colonies called “kilils” (ethnic homelands) in much the same way as the minority white apartheid regime created “bantustans” (black homelands) in South Africa to establish and maintain its apartheid system.
The South African apartheid regime created ten Bantustans (black homelands) with the singular aim of geographically dismembering and fragmenting the black majority and psychologically isolating them from each other while simultaneously and de-nationalizing them to deprive them of a common identity and establish a regime of white supremacy. Using a strategy of divide and rule and machining sure the society is riven by ethnic and religious divisions and actively promoting tribal consciousness, the minority white apartheid regime for over four decades succeeded in controlling and exploiting the black African majority population.
Following the South African model, the T-TPLF created 9 kilils (kililistans or ethnic homelands) and two “chartered cities” in Ethiopia to geographically dismember and fragment, psychologically isolate, denationalize and disempower the black majority population and establish a hegemonic regime of ethnic supremacy. The T-TPLF’s internal colonialism for the last 26 years succeeded through a systematic campaign of de-Ethiopianization which similar to the way the colonial masters de-nationalized their colonies and created artificial ethnic and other boundaries (kilil homelands) and imposed their version of ethnic identities on the diverse people of Ethiopia.
South Africa’s racial/ethnic apartheid system was based on the white minority regime’s determination to control the land and through control of the land control the identity, citizenship, residence, political, social and economic rights of the majority black population. The identity of South Africans was determined principally by their relationship to the land. The minority whites owned all of the productive lands and black South Africans were virtually landless. The keystone and pillar of minority white apartheid internal colonial rule in South Africa was the unequal distribution and ownership of land and the consequent dispossession and economic disempowerment of the black majority by a variety of “legal” means.
Just as in apartheid South Africa, the T-TPLF has used land to control the majority populations in Ethiopia. Land is at the core of the T-TPLF’s system of internal colonialism. Confiscation of land. Expropriation of land. Land grabs. Displacement from the land. Dispossession of land. Ownership of land. Use of land. Occupation of land. Control of land. Unequal distribution of land. Land grabs by whites and evictions and displacement of the black majority population for decades created a landless class of Africans.
There is no better example of the T-TPLF’s internal colonialism than the so-called “Addis Ababa Master Plan”, which was specifically designed to strategically incorporate municipalities and unincorporated areas surrounding the capital into a rapidly developing metropolitan economy controlled and dominated by crony T-TPLF capitalists. Like the European colonial powers of yesteryears, the T-TPLF used extreme violence to grab the land of struggling Oromo farmers. Human Rights Watch reported that since mid-November 2015, T-TPLF “security forces [had] shot dozens of protesters in Shewa and Wollega zones, west of Addis Ababa”; and in the town of Walliso security forces fired “into crowds of protesters leaving bodies lying in the street.” That was the modus operandi of the minority white apartheid regime in South Africa as well. (See my January 20, 2016, July 1, 2017 and July 16, 2017 commentaries for a more complete analysis of the mechanics of T-TPLF internal colonialism by expropriation in Oromiya.)
Over the past 26 years, the T-TPLF’s system of internal colonialism has created four classes of citizens in Ethiopia based singularly on their relationship to land. The first-class citizens are those who take anybody’s land because they can. They are the Ubermenschen (“supermen”) who are in total control of the political, economic and military institutions and exercise unbridled power in taking land of poor and struggling farmers in the name of “development”, “economic growth” and “progress”. The second-class citizens are those who are given land by the first-class citizens. The second-class citizens are the cheerleaders, underlings, henchman, flunkies, lackey, hangers-on and sycophants of the first-class citizens. The third-class citizens are those who are spectators watching the theater of land takeaways and giveaways. These are the citizens who silently watch the first and second-class citizens eating at the table and thrown crumbs in the form of a few square meters (mètres carrés) return for their servile silence. The fourth-class citizens are the vast majority of Ethiopians whose lands are taken away – the land of their ancestors, the land where they were born and umbilical cord cut and buried, the land where they hope to die with dignity. These are the sub-citizens who are dispossessed and expelled from the land because they are considered Untermenschen (“sub-human”) and undeserving of land rights.
Apartheid (which in Afrikaans means “apartness”), the ideology of the white National Party (NP) government, was legalized in South Africa in 1948. Apartheid called for the separate development of the different racial groups in South Africa based on physical segregation on designated land. The ideology of the T-TPLF and its front organization the “Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is “ethnic federalism”, which like apartheid means “ethnic apartness” or kilil, which in Amharic means “reserve” (as in a reservation) or separate land enclosure/boundary (ethnic homeland). The structure of the T-TPLF’s internal colonialism based on ethnic federalism is accurately described by Siraw Megibaru Temesgen’s:
Ethnic federalism has been exploited to plant division among ethnic groups so as to institutionalize and facilitate rule by the TPLF and other politically affiliated groups, representing a small proportion of the population. Under the cover of ethnic federalism, the “divide and rule strategy” of the TPLF/EPRDF regime, weaken interregional and interethnic cooperation, and exacerbate conflict. The strategic government action to crack-down unity over cross-cutting cleavages such as religion, common historical experiences and national feelings increases the vulnerability and risk of interethnic conflict and national disintegration.
Prof. Ted Vestal similarly argued,
Another aspect of the EPRDF’s [the bogus organizational shell used by the TPLF to project an image of pluralism] strategy is to establish a governing system of ethnic federalism emphasizing rights of ‘nations, nationalities, and peoples.’ This high-sounding principle, cribbed from Lenin, is more Machiavellian than Wilsonian however. If the outnumbered Tigrayans who direct the EPRDF/FDRE can keep other ethnic groups divided and roiled against each other in ethno-xenophobias or content to manage affairs in their own limited bailiwicks, then larger matters can be subsumed by the one governing party. Thus, what the EPRDF views as the false ideology of nationalism for a ‘Greater Ethiopia’ can be kept in check and its proponents divided and conquered.
The T-TPLF’s bogus ethnic federalism is nothing more than Lord Lugard’s indirect rule system using existing power structures or creating make-believe independent institutions.
The problems of ethnic division and tribalism are not new to Ethiopia or Africa. Walter Rodney talked about it in “How Europe Underdeveloped Africa”. Rodney argued that even though ethnic differences exist on the African continent, they were not necessarily political differences. They were politicized by certain African elites who have created ethnic lines to aggrandize power and amass wealth for themselves and their cronies. But Rodney also pointed out the most devastating long-term effects of colonialism in blocking the further evolution of national identity and solidarity and destruction of institutions necessary for coalescing fragmented loyalties. He explained that “because ethnic and regional loyalties which go under the name of ‘tribalism’ could not be effectively resolved by the colonial state, they tended to fester and grow in unhealthy forms. Indeed, the colonial powers sometimes saw the value of stimulating the internal ‘tribal’ jealousies so as to keep the colonised from dealing with their principal contradiction with the European overlords — i.e., the classic technique of divide and rule.”
Both the T-TPLF and white apartheid regime overlords used ethnicity as a political line that cannot be crossed and as a political fulcrum on which all things political, social, economic and cultural pivot. Like the minority white apartheid regime in South Africa, the T-TPLF overlords have built their political and economic power by literally owning all of the land in the country (Art. 40 of the T-TPLF constitution) and by totally controlling political power (the T-TPLF “won” the May 2015 election by 100 percent and reinforces its dictatorial rule by the barrel of the gun), monopolizing the private sector (T-TPLF controlled interlocking syndicates maintain complete monopoly over the economy) and operating a vast patronage and neo-patrimonial system in which employment, educational and other opportunities are exchanged for political support and allegiance.
The T-TPLF says the “government owns the land”, or in their constitutional mumbo-jumbo (Art. 40), “Land is a common property of the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be subject to sale or to other means of exchange”; and “All sovereign power resides in the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia.” (Art 8.) The only “sovereign power” in Ethiopia today is the T-TPLF which controls 100 percent of the land. (As one T-TPLF party boss said, “We don’t give land to those who are not loyal to us.”) But the T-TPLF also owns 100 percent of the “parliament” which makes the “laws” on land. The T-TPLF owns 100 percent of the top military leadership positions, 100 percent of the security forces, 100 percent of the top businesses and 100 percent of the top civil service jobs and political appointments. Because the T-TPLF owns all the land in Ethiopia, it hands it out for free (ok, for pennies) to Indian, Saudi, Turkish, Chinese and other “investors”, who often have under-the-table arrangements with T-TPLF bosses. (See my July 16, 2017 commentary, “Ethiopia: Eternal Vigilance is the Price of Keeping One’s Land”, for further details.)
Land and the “legal” basis of white minority racial apartheid internal colonialism system
At the foundation of South Africa’s racial/ethnic apartheid internal colonial system was land. In 1994 when black majority rule became a reality in South Africa, 87 percent of the land was owned by whites.
The foundation for apartheid in South Africa was laid down in the Natives’ Land Act, 1913 (Act No. 27 of 1913), decades before its official introduction in 1948. The Land Act became the principal legal tool for the systematic land dispossession of the Black majority by the white minority controlled State and severely restricted the black African majority’s right to own land only in the “native reserves”. The Group Areas Act Group Areas Act 1950 later consolidated by Group Areas Act 36 of 1966 formalized residential segregation by race in South Africa. This Act empowered the minority white regime to designate rural and urban land for exclusive ownership by whites, colored, and Indians, but made no legal provisions for land to be owned or occupied exclusively by the majority black population.
The Population Registration Act of 1950 (PRA) of South Africa required that each inhabitant of South Africa be classified and recorded in the population register according to their race and ethnic group. That PRA became the foundation of the apartheid system which served to segregate and facilitate political and economic discrimination against the majority black population and other non-whites.
The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951 (BAA) (Act No. 68 of 1951; subsequently renamed the Black Authorities Act, 1951) was enacted to grant authority to traditional tribal leaders in their homelands. The BAA defined “Black areas”, “chiefs”, “tribal authorities” and established their powers, functions, duties and jurisdictions. The BAA created the legal basis for self-determination of the various ethnic and linguistic tribes into traditional homeland reserve areas and established tribal, regional and territorial authorities. The Bantu Authorities Act, 1951(“Black Authorities Act, 1951”) created the legal basis for the deportation of blacks into designated homeland reserve areas and established tribal, regional and territorial authorities. The Group Areas Act of 1950 (as re-enacted in the Group Areas Act of 1966), divided South Africa into separate areas for whites and blacks and gave the government the power to forcibly remove people from areas not designated for their particular tribal and racial group.
The Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act of 1959 (PBSA) (Act No 46) set up 8 (later expanded to 10) distinct “Bantu Homelands” out of the existing reserves, each with a degree of self-government based on a hierarchical system of headmen, chiefs, paramount chiefs, and territorial authorities in the black areas. The governments of the homelands were given limited powers of taxation, control public works, and issue licenses and adjudicate disputes. The central aim of the PBSA was to eventually grant independence to the homelands, expatriate them from South African citizenship and provide the white minority population virtual majority power. The Bantu Homelands Constitution Act, 1971 authorized the white minority regime to grant independence to any “Homeland” as determined by the South African apartheid government. The “Homelands” act was designed to ultimately convert traditional tribal lands into “fully fledged independent Bantustan states” with the power of self-determination, eventually granting “independence” to Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei between 1976 and 1981.
Bantustanization sought to divide the majority black Africans into smaller discrete populations they could divide and rule them. The minority whites believed they could eliminate any practical possibility of black South African unity if they could succeed in creating a bantustanized ethnic identity in which black South Africans feel estranged against each other. As a result of bantustanization, less than 15 percent of the land was “reserved” as homelands for black South Africans.
Land and the “legal” basis of T-TPLF’s ethnic apartheid internal colonialism system
The extraordinary act of genius by the T-TPLF is the creation of an ethnic apartheid system in its 1995 constitution by incorporating the essence of all of the apartheid laws and policies the white minority South African regime enacted over decades.
In the 1995 T-TPLF constitution, the drafters melded together land and ethnicity to create kililistans (kilils) which replicate the essential political, social, economic and cultural dynamics of South Africa’s bantustans.
In its Preamble, the T-TPLF constitution declares, “We, the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia: Strongly committed, in full and free exercise of our right to self-determination…” In Article 8 (1), the T-TPLF constitution provides, “All sovereign power resides in the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia.” In Article 39, the T-TPLF constitution guarantees, “Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession.” Art. 47(2) “Nations, Nationalities and Peoples within the States enumerated in sub-Article 1 of this article have the right to establish, at any time, their own States.” Interestingly, the Republic of South Africa Constitution Act 110 of 1983 makes a similar declaration that it aims “To respect, to further and to protect the self-determination of population groups and peoples.”
Like South Africa’s Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act of 1959 which created 8 (later expanded to 10) bantustans (black homelands), the T-TPLF’s constitution in Article 46 (2) creates kililistans (“kilils”) “delimited on the basis of the settlement patterns, language, identity, and consent of the peoples concerned.” Art. 47 creates 9 “states” (kililistans) defined by “settlement patterns, language, identity”.
Like South Africa’s apartheid constitution and laws which gave to the apartheid state and minority white population total control over the land, the T-TPLF constitution in Article 40 (3) ensures that ownership of all land is in the T-TPLF state and T-TPLF cronies, supporters and compradors in the kililistans: “The right to ownership of rural and urban land, as well as of all natural resources, is exclusively vested in the State and in the peoples of Ethiopia. Land is a common property of the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be subject to sale or to other means of exchange.” Yet, the T-TPLF has been handing over hundreds of thousands of hectares of the most fertile land in the kililistans to shady fly-by-night “investors” including the now-bankrupt investor Karuturi.
Like the “bantustanization” of South Africa, the kililistanization of Ethiopia has enabled the T-TPLF regime and its crony capitalists to become the political and economic masters of the majority Ethiopian population. The T-TPLF has been able to do in 26 years what the white minority apartheid regime took decades to accomplish.
The T-TPLF has corralled the population of Ethiopia in to an open air prison with the T-TPLF jail keepers ruling and micromanaging the politics and economy of the country right down to the hamlets in the kililistans.
The late T-TPLF thugmaster Mele’s Zenawi, the chief architect of ethnic kililistans, like the virulent South African white supremacist Hendrik Verwoerd in the early 1960s, was driven by a “vision” of ethnic division in Ethiopia. For nearly two decades, Meles toiled ceaselessly to shred the very fabric of Ethiopian society – ETHIOPIAWINET — and sculpt a landscape balkanized into tribal, ethnic, linguistic and regional enclaves.” Meles crafted a constitution based entirely on ethnicity and tribal affiliation as the basis for political organization.
In much the same way the white minority apartheid regime physically moved black South Africans from one native area to another, the T-TPLF has taken from the same playbook and forcefully evicted members of the “Amhara” ethnic group from Benishangul-Gumuz (one of the nine kililistans) in a criminal act of de facto ethnic cleansing. The late Meles Zenawi justified the forced expulsion of tens of thousands of Amharas from Southern Ethiopia stating, “… By coincidence of history, over the past ten years numerous people — some 30,000 sefaris (squatters) from North Gojam – have settled in Benji Maji (BM) zone [in Southern Ethiopia]. In Gura Ferda, there are some 24,000 sefaris.” Through “villagization” programs, indigenous populations have been forced of their ancestral lands in Gambella, Benishangul and the Omo River Valley and their land auctioned off to voracious multinational agribusinesses.
The late T-TPLF messiah Meles Zenawi once boasted that when he took power Ethiopia “was teetering on the edges, the country was on the brink of total disintegration.” He argued that “Every analyst worth his salt was suggesting that Ethiopia will go the way of Yugoslavia or the Soviet Union. Since then, Ethiopia has not gone the way of Yugoslavia, Somalia, Congo or even the way of Eritrea.” Meles liked to trot out all sorts of boogeymen to scare the majority population into submission. The truth of the matter is that ethnic balkanization, fragmentation, segregation and polarization are the tools of trade used by the Meles regime to cling to power while lining their pockets.
The similarities between the minority white apartheid regime and the T-TPLF ethnic apartheid regime are too numerous to list. The T-TPLF exercises complete monopoly over political power, representation and decision-making in much the same way as the white minority apartheid National Party. The T-TPLF has sought to portray any critic of its kililistan policy as “Amhara” nationalists (so-called neftegna, soldier-settlers) from a bygone era whose aim is to reestablish Amhara hegemony over other ethnic groups in Ethiopia. The T-TPLF has sought to characterize other opponents as extremists and terrorists bent on creating civil war Rwanda-style interahamwe. The minority white apartheid regime called its opponents “communist terrorists”.
The T-TPLF today functions in much the same way as the apartheid minority white South African regime over two decades ago. Like the bantustans under the apartheid minority white South African regime, the T-TPLF uses patronage and public resources to control the kililistans who are so dependent on the T-TPLF for land and resources that they are incapable of challenging the T-TPLF. The T-TPLF security apparatus completely overwhelms local authorities in the kililistans. In fact, in areas considered politically unstable T-TPLF security and military operatives function independent of kililistan authorities just as was the case in the bantustans in apartheid South Africa. TPLF officers operate the security and military operations in the kililistans. Any official who does not tow the T-TPLF line in the kililistans is kicked out of power and often charged with corruption.
Like the apartheid minority white South African regime in the bantustans, the T-TPLF in the kililistans uses a variety of strategies to maintain control. It uses the party structure in the make believe “EPRDF” party to manipulate, rubberstamp and implement its policies. Because the kililistans are dependent on the T-TPLF for budgetary and other support, the T-TPLF uses its “power of the purse” to keep them in line and tow the T-TPLF line.
Like their apartheid counterparts, the T-TPLF assumes the ethno-linguistic groups it created are monolithic and homogeneous. They were neither homogenous nor clearly “delimited on the basis of simplistic settlement patterns, language, identity.” The people of Ethiopia are of mixed parenthood, culture and identity. The whole fiction of “nations, nationalities and peoples” may be appealing to Stalinist T-TPLFers but it simply did not reflect the reality of historic ethnic heterogeneity and diversity. The T-TPLF’s conception of ethnicity is simply inconsistent with the historical reality.
The struggle against internal colonialism and Lemma Megerssa, Oromiya president: “We only have one Ethiopia…”
Truth be told, I used to despair over Ethiopia and what I believed to be the vacuum of new, informed, dedicated and committed leadership in Ethiopia. So many dynamic and dedicated young Ethiopians languish in T-TPLF prisons. So many have been tortured and killed by the T-TPLF. So many of us in the Ethiopian Diaspora have proved to be empty barrels drooling for power and refusing to stand up in public and be counted when the people are massacred, jailed and tortured by the T-TPLF.
But I no longer worry for I believe there are many young organically home grown Ethiopian leaders Like Lemma Megerssa who can carry Ethiopia out of the darkness of tyranny not the sunlight of democracy, rule of law and human rights.
Lemma and others like him from across Ethiopia have now taken the baton, including those languishing in T-TPLF prisons. It is their race to win or lose Ethiopia.
Lemma put everything on the line when he spoke defiantly against the T-TPLF Mafia godfathers. Those of us in the Diaspora who are grooming ourselves for power on the blood, sweat tears of the young people who are doing the dying in Ethiopia should take heed. Let’s help them. Let us carry water to the front lines.
Doggone it Ethiopia today has young leaders who can carry on and continue the struggle. They can get the job done with a little moral help from their Diaspora older brothers and sisters.
I say, let us help Ethiopia’s Cheetahs in their do-or-die fight against the hyenas.
Now is the time of the Cheetahs. We Hippos should make way for the Cheetahs and help them in every way to build their new Ethiopia.
I officially made my peace with Ethiopia’s Cheetahs in January 2013 when I became a Chee-Hippo, part Cheetah and part Hippo. I wrote about it in my commentary, “Rise of the Chee-Hippo Generation”. I am one Hippo who has got the backs of Ethiopia’s Cheetahs.
I close Part I, by offering a translation of part of an Ethiopian Cheetah Lemma Megersa’s extraordinary speech in April 2017:
In a defiant speech in April 2017, Lemma Megerssa, the extraordinary president of Oromiya, partly addressing the role of T-TPLF crony capitalist investors and the need for good governance in support of investment in Oromiya, read the riot act to the T-TPLF.
This outstanding young man came out swinging.
He told the T-TPLF to go find its lapdog. (He did not mention Hailemariam Desalegn.)
Lemma said he said he is a genuine leader of the people who takes his job seriously and serves the people conscientiously and scrupulously. He said he is not some mindless puppet whose stings can be pulled from afar or bossed around by Mafia godfathers.
Lemma demanded respect for himself as a person and as a leader of the Oromo people. He pledged to do his job consistent with his legal authority and he is not going to take no mess from nobody. In short, he told the T-TPLF that if they don’t like what he is saying, they can go to hell, hell, hell!!!
Here is a translation.
It is when we [ourselves] change and work for change that our country changes. So therefore to change Ethiopia we must change Oromiya. As leaders we have our shares [of duties] and responsibilities. In all aspects of the economy, it is necessary and proper to take appropriate and corrective action. Thus it is necessary for those with wealth to properly understand this. The rumor you hear is fictional, a fabrication. You should also seriously consider [the source] the people who are spreading the rumor. In the past, it may have been possible to rip off millions [from Oromiya in the name of investment] and get away with it. But not anymore. Impossible. By no miraculous means can we leave an opening [for such a rip off]. We won’t do it. Only the truth [matters]. We must first give precedence to justice and affirm it. We must ensure respect for [the rule] law. It is not going to be done by [Mafia] godfathers [indirectly referring to the T-TPLF capos] jailing people here and there. Perhaps [such things] may work once [but no more].
We only have one country. We have recorded it for history [referring to a particular directive from the T-TPLF in which he was copied]. [The directive] says ‘Mr. So and So, [or] the honorable minister Fitsum [making a hypothetical reference]. [The directive] says someone messed up the Oromiya structure and is giving us problems. We demand [of the minister] that you issue a swift directive [in Oromiya to the person creating the mess] and correct the situation. Copy to Oromiya president.’
I am informed only by being served a copy. Who [the hell] is the minister? We all have our share of work and responsibilities. There are things we can decide and things that are beyond our jurisdiction. We all have powers, powers that are limited. None of us [including the T-TPLF bosses] have an open field on which we gallop [our powers] freely [suggesting none of us are above the rule of law]. Once I have taken the responsibility [as president of Oromiya], the only person to make a decision [in such matters] is I and myself. I do not decide on the basis of a copied directive. I will not send it [the copy of the directive] to archives for record keeping. I will tear it up and throw it in the trash.
There are many problems with the godfathers [Mafia system of the T-TPLF]. Such [audacious interference] is what happens when a system breaks down and is corrupted [to the core]. They go out looking for networks [of corruption]… There are many who seek to benefit from a patronage system… This has to stop. This must be corrected. As it continues, it will bankrupt you [referring to the T-TPLF] too. Stop the patronage system.
Let’s straighten things out the legal way, correct it. There are many investors who continue to invest [in Oromiya] even though they are losing money. There are many whom we have not contacted in their homes who are losing money just because they want to keep their workers from being laid off. That is because they are concerned about the hardship that could befall their workers [and their families].
There are also so-called investors who just collect millions [doing nothing]. If you call them “investors”, you will find them there. But this must clearly be distinguished. It is our duty to help those who are toiling to change the country; to help those who need help; to criticize those who need criticism and to punish those who are culpable.
So there are some things we have started to improve [the investment climate]. We will support our genuine investors. It must not only be you [the investors] that must come and ask us. We ourselves must knock on your doors, [talk to you] and support you. If that is not done, our county cannot change. This is not [something we say Mr. so-and-so’s business and avoid responsibility]. If we are going to change our country, here is where we must begin.
But it is also very necessary to do things with the right process and in a lawful manner. You have seen it all. Investors are suffering in many places. We are strating investments today. But what is happening in the relationship between the investor and the and the farmers in the area? Is it healthy? Is it good?… If we are not able to say it is healthy, we are not going to change the country with investments. Are we likely to succeed with investment with the way we are doing things now? If investment means causing conflict with 2-3, ten farmers everyday, what is going to happen to the farmers and industry [investors]? It is going to be dangerous. We have seen how dangerous it is. If this is not an object lesson for us, a big bell ringing, then there is nothing that can teach us better.
The issue of land in Ethiopia is very heavy [serious]. Very serious. The source of wealth in this country is land. The source of wealth in this country is land. It is land. (Land is the foundation) of Ethiopia, from the beginning (of time), since she was established. If we look at the revolutions of the past, the beginning and end of all things in Ethiopia is land. Everything else is secondary. The issue of land is not something to be taken lightly. It is an issue of identity. Land is the foundation of the economy. We all know how each individual Ethiopian is tied to the land. If we don’t deliberate the issue of land properly, if this country does not help us according to our abilities, if we don’t start doing the right thing now [with land], we could do whatever we want, but in the end [we’ll fail]…
Failure is our ultimate motivation to succeed and establish a just society in Ethiopia where every individual’s right to life, liberty and property (land) are respected as a core attribute of their Ethiopian nationality.
Part II, continues… ETHIOPIAWINET: FAILURE IS NOT AN OPTION! SUCCESS IS JUST A MATTER OF TRYING HARDER TO OVERCOME FAILURE.
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He blogged on the Huffington post at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and later on open.salon until that blogsite shut down in March 2015.